When it comes to the events of the last two decades in Israel, I think that history will record with surprise that the people who had the most reasons to remember the lessons of the Second World War so readily forgot them. Time and time again, Israel appeased its enemies and bowed before international pressure. “Never again,” the world said – but the world (the whole world, including Israel) forgot that those words meant more than staging solemn memorials and giving Oscars to Schindler’s List.
We should have learned that madmen will often state their goals openly and that, when their insanity is coupled with national power, it can be deadly for a nation.
We should have learned that when people say they want to kill you, you ought to take them at their world and react appropriately.
We should have learned that negotiations are impossible with an enemy whose final goal is fixed. To them – to those who seek and refuse to abandon a final goal – all deals are merely tactical manoeuvres. No deal they sign and no promise they make can be trusted.
But Israel forgot.
Time and time again, the Israelis spoke bold words, and then withdrew under pressure. They gave the Sinai back to the Egyptians. They went to Camp David and – in a move which may yet prove fatal to the Israeli nation – conceded to the idea of a Palestinian state. The pulled out of Southern Lebanon. They left the Gaza Strip. They are in the processing of abandoning great swaths of the West Bank. It is not in mirth, but in horror that I note that the Israelis are rapidly running out of places to abandon – save Israel itself.
The Moslem world wishes to see Israel destroyed. This wish is nearly universal. Most of you out there who have dealt civilly with individual Moslems will doubtlessly observed the common phenomenon wherein a Moslem’s outward veneer of civilization dissolves the moment the subject of the Jews comes up. They hate them. They wish to destroy them. Their own holy book commands this. They will not be persuaded. They will not be dissuaded. It is the primary obsession of what is laughably known as their “civilization.”
No number of concessions will make Israel’s enemies love it. Indeed, every compromise that Israel has made has been taken by its opponents as a sign of weakness – a shrewd and fair judgement given that every decision to withdraw has been exactly that. However you want to spin it, Israel has withdrawn time and time again under fire because they were too weak to withstand the pressure. Not militarily too weak, you must understand – but politically and morally too weak.
Time and time again, the Israelis have paid the Danegeld. But they are not rid of the Dane.
Ultimately, it is a matter of them or them. Either the Israelis win or the Palestinians win. It’s a matter of us or them. Either our civilization wins or our enemies win. There is no gray area or middle ground. This is a fight to the end, whether some wish to recognize it or not.
If the Jew and the Moslem cannot live together – and all signs are that they cannot – then they must live apart. This is the recognized truth behind the attempt by Israel to unilaterally establish its own borders. But that attempt fails to recognize that good fences cease to make good neighbours once rockets enter the equation. It is not enough for the Israeli and the “Palestinian” to live separately. They must live apart as well.
The physical relocation of certain populations has been a long-standing feature of human history. As recently as the aftermath of the Second World War, massive population transfers have occurred (in that case, mostly of ethnic Germans). Over the last six decades, hundreds of thousands of Jews have been driven from their homes in Moslem lands.
It’s long past time that we recognize that the transfer (or, screw the euphemisms – the forced relocation) of the “Palestinian” Arabs is the only long-term solution which offers the Israeli state a reasonable chance of survival. The most plausible alternative is a long war of demographic and political attrition which ends in the destruction of Israel as we know it.
The scenario is easy enough to envision. The Moslems will never be satisfied – they will always have more demands. And the Israelis are more and more like other people in the West – desperate for peace above all else. Bit by bit, the Arabs will chip away at Israel. There will be no more mass migrations to the Jewish state. By the middle of the century, the Jews in Israel will be vastly outnumbered by the quick-breeding Moslems. In the best-case scenario, Israel will simply fade away bit by bit and year by year.
Of course, the worst-case scenario under present conditions is much, much worse.
Israel will survive only through dramatic action. It will survive only by changing the fundamental rules of the game. So long as Israel agrees to play by this rigged set of rules, its destruction is made virtually inevitable. To accede to the idea of the Palestinians as a “wronged” people and to negotiate with them in any way, shape, or form is to invite Israel’s destruction. To allow them their own state is insane. Such a state will –as has already been proven – inevitably become a terrorist haven.
Wars – particularly wars as deeply rooted in faith and history as this one – are never ended by negotiation. Any deal, any peace accord, is simply a tactical pause for one or both sides. It will not be over – truly over – until one side is so thoroughly defeated that any and all resistance becomes absolutely hopeless.
The greatest problem for the West – in Israel as in Iraq and elsewhere – is our collective loss of the nerve to do the kind of things which have to be done to win wars. Our ancestors understood that victory is never achieved by restraint. A true and decisive victory can only be secured through the complete and utter annihilation of the enemy – however long and difficult such an outcome may be to achieve it must always be the final goal.
Rome’s final victory over Carthage should stand as an example of how a war ought to end. The Romans – having faced destruction at the hands of the Carthaginians and knowing that they would revive unless an end was put to them – not only destroyed the city, but salted the Earth, killed the adult men, and enslaved the rest of the population.
Now, don’t get me wrong – I’m not suggesting that the Israelis should do everything that the Romans did. After all – they might want to live on the land the Palestinians now hold and slavery is a great moral wrong. But the spirit of the Romans ought to be embraced.
In World War Two, we bombed and destroyed German and Japanese cities without a second thought. We did it because we knew that our lives and, in many cases, the existence of our nations was at stake. The same is true here. As goes Israel, so goes the West. Israel is the Canary in the Coal Mine. If the Israelis are defeated and destroyed because of their own weakness, so too will the civilization of Europe fall before a resurgent Islam.
With the strong possibility that we are no more than hours away from the test of an Intercontinental Ballistic Missile by North Korea it is time that we consider our present options in dealing with the strange Korean communist monarchy. The sad reality, as we face a nearly unprecedented crisis, is that those options are more limited than most of us would like.
A small-scale, surgical strike involving precision weapons is out of the question as there are far too many targets to hit in too short a time for such a strike to be possibly successful. The consequences of a strike which was only partially successful are almost too awful to contemplate. For similar reasons, the possibility of a coup or assassination attempt (at least one not in concert with other measures) is similarly foreclosed. Also off the table is the option of some sort of total economic blockade (which would be unenforceable without Chinese, Russian, and South Korean assistance in any case). The ultimate option – a pre-emptive war to overthrow the North Korean regime – would be impossible without South Korea’s consent and participation, a development so unlikely as to be virtually unthinkable.
So, you may ask, what roads are open? There are several, each with their own virtues and pitfalls.
One option is to basically do nothing, (other than perhaps attempting to negotiate here and there in a less-than-serious way) hope that nature eventually takes its course on Kim Jong Il, and hope that his successor is more reasonable. This, I think, is the basic approach that has been adopted by the Bush Administration. The downside to this, of course, is that it leaves the basic problem of a nuclear North Korea in place.
The second option is to seriously negotiate with the North Koreans, as Clinton did in 1994, by offering serious incentives for them to abandon their nuclear weapons. The problem here, of course, is that by negotiating the United States would be rewarding North Korea’s behaviour and – more to the point – the North Koreans simply could not be trusted to abide by the terms of any deal reached.
The third and, as I see it, best option is for a massive strike against North Korean nuclear, chemical, biological, and missile facilities – along with other selected military installations. Such an attack would have to be much larger than a few dozen cruise missiles against Yongbyong and a few other sites.
Why, some may ask, is a large attack necessary? Why can’t the United States just hit a few nuclear sites and be done with it? Well, there are several reasons.
First – the North Koreans have had nuclear weapons for a number of years now (perhaps stretching back even into the 1990’s). It is certain that they have dispersed them across the country. In addition to hitting the nuclear sites themselves, it will be necessary to hit any site which contains nuclear-capable missiles or planes capable of carrying nuclear weapons.
The concern here isn’t so much of a strike against the United States. North Korea’s ICBM’s and other long-range missiles are all liquid-fuelled. They’re extremely vulnerable targets and, in any case, can probably be shot down by American interceptor missiles.
Intermediate range missiles are more of a problem. The North Koreans have a lot of them and they can be used to strike Japan or US installations in the Pacific. Even so, between strikes against bases and missile defences, they are probably a manageable problem as well.
However, while the intercontinental and intermediate range missiles could probably be dealt with by a limited strike, there’s another problem which could not be: the massive artillery barrage that they North Koreans could deliver against Seoul. With all of the artillery pieces they have within range of that city, the DPRK doesn’t need nukes to kill a million people.
Thus, any strike on North Korea is going to require striking North Korean artillery positions along the DMZ on a massive scale.
Therefore, we are left with truly staggering requirements for a strike. An attack will have to hit missile sites, air bases, NBC installations, and artillery sites. And, in order to be effective (and to prevent the North Koreans from getting off a shot) the strikes will have to be simultaneous.
So, what is to be done? There is only one way to pull off the sort of strike I’ve outlined above: to use nuclear weapons.
Any conventional attack is likely to result in millions of friendly deaths when the North Koreans get off a few shots – or, in the case of the artillery pointed as Seoul, millions. Only nuclear weapons offer the power to truly take out all of the targets in a rapid fashion.
In any case, I note that it is regarded as desirable to use nuclear weapons against certain installations (deeply buried bunkers and nuclear-biological-chemical facilities) and that, as I’ve pointed out in the past, there is probably little to distinguish the domestic and international political consequences of using one nuclear bomb from those of using fifty.
Such an attack would also be useful in that it would send a very positive message to Iran.
By no means should this be taken as a statement that I desire nuclear war. Quite the contrary – I desire to prevent it. More specifically, I desire to prevent it from being waged against myself or my relatives in Japan.
It should not have come to this. A strike against North Korea in 1994 would have been clean and quick. But, once Clinton and Carter struck their deal with the North Koreans – once they got their hands on their first nuclear bombs – they made this day all but inevitable.
To allow the existence of a nuclear North Korea armed with ICBM’s is an intolerable threat. It must be dealt with. If nuclear weapons are required to end that threat, then God wills it.Nuke North Korea
With the strong possibility that we are no more than hours away from the test of an Intercontinental Ballistic Missile by North Korea it is time that we consider our present options in dealing with the strange Korean communist monarchy. The sad reality, as we face a nearly unprecedented crisis, is that those options are more limited than most of us would like.
A small-scale, surgical strike involving precision weapons is out of the question as there are far too many targets to hit in too short a time for such a strike to be possibly successful. The consequences of a strike which was only partially successful are almost too awful to contemplate. For similar reasons, the possibility of a coup or assassination attempt (at least one not in concert with other measures) is similarly foreclosed. Also off the table is the option of some sort of total economic blockade (which would be unenforceable without Chinese, Russian, and South Korean assistance in any case). The ultimate option – a pre-emptive war to overthrow the North Korean regime – would be impossible without South Korea’s consent and participation, a development so unlikely as to be virtually unthinkable.
So, you may ask, what roads are open? There are several, each with their own virtues and pitfalls.
One option is to basically do nothing, (other than perhaps attempting to negotiate here and there in a less-than-serious way) hope that nature eventually takes its course on Kim Jong Il, and hope that his successor is more reasonable. This, I think, is the basic approach that has been adopted by the Bush Administration. The downside to this, of course, is that it leaves the basic problem of a nuclear North Korea in place.
The second option is to seriously negotiate with the North Koreans, as Clinton did in 1994, by offering serious incentives for them to abandon their nuclear weapons. The problem here, of course, is that by negotiating the United States would be rewarding North Korea’s behaviour and – more to the point – the North Koreans simply could not be trusted to abide by the terms of any deal reached.
The third and, as I see it, best option is for a massive strike against North Korean nuclear, chemical, biological, and missile facilities – along with other selected military installations. Such an attack would have to be much larger than a few dozen cruise missiles against Yongbyong and a few other sites.
Why, some may ask, is a large attack necessary? Why can’t the United States just hit a few nuclear sites and be done with it? Well, there are several reasons.
First – the North Koreans have had nuclear weapons for a number of years now (perhaps stretching back even into the 1990’s). It is certain that they have dispersed them across the country. In addition to hitting the nuclear sites themselves, it will be necessary to hit any site which contains nuclear-capable missiles or planes capable of carrying nuclear weapons.
The concern here isn’t so much of a strike against the United States. North Korea’s ICBM’s and other long-range missiles are all liquid-fuelled. They’re extremely vulnerable targets and, in any case, can probably be shot down by American interceptor missiles.
Intermediate range missiles are more of a problem. The North Koreans have a lot of them and they can be used to strike Japan or US installations in the Pacific. Even so, between strikes against bases and missile defences, they are probably a manageable problem as well.
However, while the intercontinental and intermediate range missiles could probably be dealt with by a limited strike, there’s another problem which could not be: the massive artillery barrage that they North Koreans could deliver against Seoul. With all of the artillery pieces they have within range of that city, the DPRK doesn’t need nukes to kill a million people.
Thus, any strike on North Korea is going to require striking North Korean artillery positions along the DMZ on a massive scale.
Therefore, we are left with truly staggering requirements for a strike. An attack will have to hit missile sites, air bases, NBC installations, and artillery sites. And, in order to be effective (and to prevent the North Koreans from getting off a shot) the strikes will have to be simultaneous.
So, what is to be done? There is only one way to pull off the sort of strike I’ve outlined above: to use nuclear weapons.
Any conventional attack is likely to result in millions of friendly deaths when the North Koreans get off a few shots – or, in the case of the artillery pointed as Seoul, millions. Only nuclear weapons offer the power to truly take out all of the targets in a rapid fashion.
In any case, I note that it is regarded as desirable to use nuclear weapons against certain installations (deeply buried bunkers and nuclear-biological-chemical facilities) and that, as I’ve pointed out in the past, there is probably little to distinguish the domestic and international political consequences of using one nuclear bomb from those of using fifty.
Such an attack would also be useful in that it would send a very positive message to Iran.
By no means should this be taken as a statement that I desire nuclear war. Quite the contrary – I desire to prevent it. More specifically, I desire to prevent it from being waged against myself or my relatives in Japan.
It should not have come to this. A strike against North Korea in 1994 would have been clean and quick. But, once Clinton and Carter struck their deal with the North Koreans – once they got their hands on their first nuclear bombs – they made this day all but inevitable.
To allow the existence of a nuclear North Korea armed with ICBM’s is an intolerable threat. It must be dealt with. If nuclear weapons are required to end that threat, then God wills it.
Thursday, June 08, 2006
Scratch one Son of a Bitch!
If ABC News can be trusted (a big if, to be sure) Abu Musab al-Zarquawi is burning in Hell, killed by an American air strike.
Sunday, June 04, 2006
Facing up to the Moslem Problem
In the wake of the arrest of the Toronto Seventeen many thoughtful Canadians, who had lately thought themselves immune to the dangers faced by our civilization, are reassessing their position. Canada is not invulnerable. We have enemies. Those little Canadian flags that tourists wear on their backpacks will avail you of nothing in the face of an Islamist. Many Canadians, who had previously mocked the very idea of a threat will now come to realize that the peril is real and may someday come to pass.
Of course, one of the problems in figuring out how to respond to the T-17 is that, unlike the 9-11 hijackers, they are from here with many of them seemingly Canadian born and raised. We can’t go over there to fight them before they come here because they are already here and, in a legal sense, they have as much of a right to be here as any other citizen.
For the moment, the biggest problem in dealing with and talking about the T-17 is the seeming unwillingness of the Canadian media – and large portions of the political – establishment to face up to the reality of what the existence of this terrorist cell means. Ordinary middle-class Moslem youth – of whom there are tens and perhaps hundreds of thousands in this country – are being radicalized and turned into terrorists right here. On our streets. In Canada. I am not making this up.
Well, perhaps I am making up the last part – the “radicalized” part. Perhaps they were already radical to begin with. Perhaps, as part of their existence as Moslems, they are by definition radical. Where, in the past, they kept to themselves, now the present state of the world encourages them to strike.
Look around the world for a moment. In India-Pakistan you’ve got Moslems versus Hindus. In Thailand you’ve got Moslems versus Buddhists. In Sudan you’ve got Moslems versus followers of African tribal religions and Christians. In Israel you’ve got Moslems versus Jews. In Europe and (to a lesser extent) America, Russia, Canada, and Australia you’ve got Moslems versus secularists and Christians. In Nigeria, Indonesia, the Philippines, and elsewhere you’ve got Moslems versus Christians. Notice the common factor?
It is certainly not politically correct to say it – but it is perhaps necessary all the same: the world has an Moslem problem. When, more than a decade ago, Samuel Huntington wrote about “Islam’s bloody borders” it was a largely theoretical concern for the majority. Now, increasingly, it is an obsession. With each passing day, across the whole of the Globe, Islam grows stronger and its opponents grow weaker. With each new atrocity Islam’s ardour increases and our resolve fades. I am reminded of WB Yeats’ The Second Coming, “the best lack all conviction, while the worst are filled with passionate intensity.”
As the Grandson of Japanese internees, I am quite conscious of the problems associated with deeming one group of people a threat and considering measures against them. But, as well, I am aware of the differences between that situation and the one which we now face.
No Japanese had been convicted – or even reliably accused – of any crime. All Japanese, regardless of their status (meaning including women and children) were interned without any consideration of individual cases. Moreover, they were interned indefinitely without charge or cause – and they had their property stripped from them. That was wrong. But the fact that actions taken in that situation were wrong does not automatically mean that any action which considers an individual’s connection to our enemies to be a cause for suspicion is wrong.
We have a real problem here – it cries out for strong leadership to respond to it.
To begin with, we’ve got to deal with the T-17 themselves. This is extremely problematic in view of the fact that they appear to be largely citizens and that many of them are young offenders.
Being blunt: we can’t trust these people to our court system. Most of these people will be back out on the streets within a few years. The young offenders could get out even sooner – and have their identities protected. This is insane. All of these people need to be put to death. Even if that it’s feasible (which, admittedly it isn’t, as gratifying as it would be to see all of them shoved into a Macrowave* and their supporters forced to clean up the mess) they can’t possibly be let out anytime soon. And, in all probability, these are just the beginning of many.
There are some sensible steps that we can take.
First, even though it doesn’t apply in these cases, we ought to cut off all immigration from Islamic nations. We have a bleeding wound here – the last thing we need to do is tear at it.
Second, we need to consider some kind of new law which will consider the true realities of this war. These people we’ve arrested are essentially soldiers in the Moslem army. To release them while the war is ongoing would be insanity – let alone to release some of them according to the terms of the Youth Criminal Justice Act.
What we need is a law which will provide for indefinite detentions of those people – not in prison, but in a specialized prison camp, like Guantanamo Bay. Perhaps Hans Island would suit this purpose.
I’m serious. Think about it. We can’t possibly let these people out while the war’s still one without trailing them twenty-four hours a day – something which would unacceptably strain our resources. We need to lock them up and keep them locked up.
Such an act might be ruled unconstitutional but, unlike the United States, Canada has an escape hatch in the form of the Notwithstanding Clause: and we should use it if we have to. Such a move would, of course, cause the Liberals to flip – but the public would be on the government’s side.
Now is the time to face reality. Islam isn’t a “religion of peace.” It’s a threat to all of our lives. Those bombs could just as easily have been planned for Vancouver as for Toronto. I don’t want to die because we were afraid to face up to the truth and so instead sailed ignorantly along a politically-correct sea.
* Meaning a human-sized Microwave.